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نشانی: مشهد، حرم مطهر، کتابخانه مرکزی
صندوق پستی: 177-91735
دورنگار: 32220845 - 051
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Title:
Role of Dominant Biradaris of District Jhang in Electoral Politics from 1970 to 2008
the statue of electronic publish :
Islamabad:2021; (Ph.D.(Quaid-i-Azam University Islamabad, Pakistan, Dept of History
creator’s description :
By Syed Munawar Abbas; Supervisor razia sultana
the creators :
Abbas, Syed Munawar
(researcher)
sultana, razia
(guide )
subject :
Politics
language :
English
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448
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the socio-economic strong position of dominant biradaris of Jhang district, has placed them on decisive victory stands in electoral politics since its very inception in 1920 and particularly since 1970 to 2008; that the dominance of these biradaris in electoral politics of this district (in turn) has further strengthened their hold over the socio-cultural power structure and brought them (biradaris) in a position to wield effective influence over local economy. These biradaris instead of relying on overt coercion, have fostered effective collaboration and consent, among the elite classes as well as with the inferior segments of this society and marginalized people to maintain their dominance in all respects. There is scarcity of analytical studies on the socio-political role of dominant biradaris of the districts and tehsils of western Punjab, particularly after creation of Pakistan. And, there is a historical silence on deployment/application/usage of conceptual frame works (i.e., of Subaltern School of Thoughts/Historians and Gramscian School of Thoughts) on socio- political contexts of micro and local units like that of district Jhang. The local historians have borrowed elite approach only while writing the socio-political history. Since the aristocracy/elite includes the heads of eco-socially powerful families of Jhang had not only collaborated with the British but also trickled down those paradigms. They are still successfully using those spectrums of dominance (the collaboration and the consent) for constant victories in electroral politics on the basis of their eco-social supremacy. The requirement of deep and thorough re-appraisal of their role; which is being played by these powerful biradaris on political scene of Jhang district. And, this situation of power politics of this local unit of west Punjab of Pakistan has been found very much near to the socio-political conditions of other local and macro units of pre and post-colonial India. The theoretical paradigm of Ranajit Guha, ‘Dominance without Hegemony’ also indirectly explains the power politics of district Jhang, having the application/ relevance not only with local units, but also with other macro (geo-demographic and political) units of Pakistan and India. It argues that dominance is not always established through persuasion, coercion or role of Danda (stick) but through collaboration and consent. This study seeks to trace the relevance and application of this vision on biradari politics of district Jhang in connection with electoral dominance of these biradari since British period, and their well- entrenched socio-economic position with respect to their land proprietorship. These biradaris have primarily employed collaborative strategies to ensure the consent of the subaltern classes. This collaborative nature of relationship among these dominant classes and between these classes and the common people, ensure their socio-cultural dominance which is a requisite for consent in Gramscian sense. The well entrenched eco-social and political clout of these powerful groups plays a vital role with respect to reducing the unprivileged classes to various categories of subalternity. The conceptual model of Ranajit Guha’s vision of dominance without hegemony in district Jhang has also been employed to explain the dynamics of biradari politics of rural Punjab. It also shows how the influential (dominant) biradaris of the district managed to retain their dominance over politics, economy, culture and other resources of the district and reduce the poorer sections of the society and the marginalized people to the perpetual state of subordination. This very situation has unique similarity with the power politics of other districts of Pakistani (western) Punjab; the same very condition of Jhang district and of other districts constitute the direction and political proceedings of power of provincial and national politics (which undoubtedly is based on dynastic and inherited politics). Due to the strong position of these dominant biradaris of Jhang district, they have been made the effective actors in electoral politics since its very inception in 1920 and particularly since 1970 till the present. xii It has further been argued that the dominance of these biradaris in electoral politics of Jhang district (in turn) has reinforced their dominance within the hierarchy of power, and thus placed them in a position to exert a powerful influence over socio-politics of this district and its local political economy; except the phenomenon of the newly emerging entities, which have limitedly used sectarianism/sectarian card as a mean of mobilizing the Sunnis against the influential Shia dominant biradaris; this restricted development has facilitated by the number of deobandi Ulemas (theologians). Similarly, the inadequate independence of localized furniture business of limited segments of society of city of Chiniot remains the only exception to the general pattern of dependent agricultural economy for the subalterns/masses. So,the study in certain ways provide a window on (figurative) conducting futher studies on the theme of biradari politics and the strategies of the dominant biradaris to jealously guard their self-interests
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